Boycott israHell!

Boycott israHell!
Бойкот на израел и печелещите от окупацията! Boycott israHell and those who profit from occupation!
Showing posts with label Lebanon. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Lebanon. Show all posts

Monday, July 21, 2014

#GazaUnderAttack | #Lebanon TV channels unite in support of Gaza | #LB4Gaza

To salute people of Gaza, and its children
_67229_A2BEIRUT – All of Lebanon’s main television channels are to broadcast simultaneously on Monday a bulletin in support of Gazans in the face of an Israeli military offensive that has killed hundreds.
The unusual protest named “Palestine… You are not alone” brings together networks with radically different views, including the official TeleLiban, Hezbollah’s Al-Manar, LBC, MTV and NBN.
They will broadcast at 8:10 pm (1710 GMT) an identical report on the humanitarian dimension of Israel’s two-week assault on the Gaza Strip, which has cost the lives of more than 500 Palestinians.

Thursday, October 18, 2012

New challenges for refugee children

UNICEF reports on how Palestinian children fleeing conflict in the Syrian Arab Republic face new challenges at a refugee camp in Lebanon.




A new video from the cause

Palestinian Refugees Right to Return - Al-Awda

Monday, May 16, 2011

Matt Cassel reports from Lebanon

Palestinians in Lebanon mourn dead protesters

Palestinian camps across Lebanon declared a day of mourning on Monday as the families of 10 people killed when Israeli troops opened fire on protesters at the border prepare to bury their dead.
"Today is a day of general strikes in the camps in mourning for the victims who were killed by the enemy," Fatah commander in Lebanon Munir Maqdah, based in the refugee camp of Ain al-Hilweh, told AFP.
Funerals will be held Monday in the Palestinian refugee camps of al-Bass, Burj al-Shemali, Mieh Mieh and Ain al-Hilweh, all located in South Lebanon.
Maqdah said talks were underway for a "Martyrs' Friday" to honour the victims.
"This will not end here," he said. "We may hold a 'Martyrs' Friday' but what the program will entail has not been finalized and we are still holding talks with our comrades here and abroad."
The 1948 formation of Israel is known in Arabic as the "nakba," or "catastrophe".
Israeli troops shot dead 12 people on Sunday and wounded hundreds more as Palestinians marking the "nakba" marched on Israel’s borders with Gaza as well as Lebanon and Syria. These regions are home to hundreds of thousands of Palestinians who fled or were driven out in 1948.
The Lebanese army said that 10 of those killed were approaching a barbed wire fence at Lebanon's border with the Jewish state. More than 100 more were wounded when the crowd of thousands of refugees, who were throwing rocks at Israeli troops from the Lebanese town of Maroun al-Ras, came under fire.
-AFP/NOW Lebanon



To read more: http://www.nowlebanon.com/NewsArticleDetails.aspx?ID=271481#ixzz1MVRtE8eV
Only 25% of a given NOW Lebanon article can be republished. For information on republishing rights from NOW Lebanon: http://www.nowlebanon.com/Sub.aspx?ID=125478 

Monday, January 17, 2011

Israeli plane violates Lebanon airspace


The Lebanese Army says an Israeli reconnaissance plane has violated Lebanese airspace, flying over areas south of the country.


The Israeli aircraft made its way into the Lebanese skies from the southern border over the town of Naqoura at 7:40 am local time (0540 GMT) on Sunday, buzzing over areas deep into South Lebanon before leaving at 9:00 am, read a statement released by the army. 

Israeli surveillance planes also violated Lebanon's airspace last Thursday, says a Press TV correspondent. 

According to the Lebanese Army, two Israeli spy drones entered Lebanon's territory over Naqoura on Thursday and flew over most areas in the south as well as capital Beirut. 

The remote-controlled planes left the Lebanese airspace after four hours. 

Also on Thursday, 14 Israeli war planes crossed into the Lebanese airspace over the southern border town of Alma al-Shaab. 

Lebanon's military often reports airspace violations by Israeli aircraft, but does not usually open fire on them. 

The Israeli military says the flights serve surveillance purposes. 

Press.TV

Sunday, May 16, 2010

Nakba - трагедията с годишнина





Направиха рекордно дълга куфия в Ливан !

In english language:
Palestinians mark Nakba!



Ливанци и палестинци отбелязаха “катастрофата“ от създаването на Израел, установявайки рекорд за най-дългата в света куфия, арабска кърпа за глава.

Дългата 6 552 метра верига от кърпи бе разстлана на терена на стадиона “Спорт Сити“ в Бейрут, за да отбележат това, което арабите наричат “накба“, “катастрофата“ от създаването на Израел през 1948. Събитието, наблюдавано от представител на Световните рекорди “Гинес“ подобрява предишния регистриран опит от 2 932-метрова куфия, установен в Испания през август 1999. Повече от 100 доброволци съединиха гигантския шал във формата на числото 194, обозначаващо резолюцията от 1948 на ООН, която дава правото на палестинците да се завърнат по домовете си на окупираната от Израел територия. Самият опит за рекорд на Гинес е направен от организация със същото име - “Кампания 194“. Надпис в съседство на направената от повече от 6 500 кърпи рекордна куфия гласеше “194. Ние ще се завърнем“. /АФП
Бейрут / Ливан

Tuesday, June 23, 2009

Nahr al-Bared's future remains unclear as army holds on to neighborhoods

Ray Smith, Electronic Lebanon, 19 June 2009


A map of Nahr al-Bared refugee camp with the different areas marked.

The three-month-long war between the Lebanese army and Fatah al-Islam militants in the Palestinian refugee camp of Nahr al-Bared in northern Lebanon ended on 2 September 2007. While the Lebanese army has allowed displaced residents to return to some parts of the camp, the fate of other parts of the camp still under the army's control remains unclear.

Nahr al-Bared camp consists of an "old" and a "new" camp. The original or "old" refugee camp was established in 1949 on a piece of land 16 kilometers north of the Lebanese city of Tripoli. In 1950, the UN agency for Palestine refugees (UNRWA) started to provide its services to the camp's residents. Over the years, population density in Nahr al- Bared rose drastically while refugees who could afford it, left the boundaries of the official camp and settled in its immediate vicinity. This area is now referred to as the "new camp" or the "adjacent area" and belongs to the Lebanese municipalities of Muhammara and Bhannine. While the residents of the new camp benefit from UNRWA's education, health, relief and social services, the agency has no mandate for the construction and maintenance of the infrastructure and houses in this area.

Since the fighting in the camp ended nearly two years ago, most of the so-called "old camp" has been bulldozed and reconstruction is set to begin within the next month. Along the perimeter of the old camp however the ruins of more than 200 houses are still standing. They're under the sole control of the Lebanese army, which still prevents residents from returning.


Area B' of Nahr al-Bared.

In October 2007, approximately one month after the Lebanese army declared victory, the first wave of refugees was allowed back into parts of the new camp. In the following months, the army gradually withdrew from the new camp and returned the houses and ruins to their former residents. However, the handover wasn't complete. At least 250 houses in the new camp, adjacent to the old camp, remain sealed off by barbed wire, controlled by the Lebanese army and inaccessible to its residents. These areas are now referred to as the "Prime Areas," known among the refugees under the Arabized term primaat. They consist of A'-, B'-, C'- and E'-Prime.

Adnan, who declined to give his family name, works in a small shop in the Corniche neighborhood, adjacent to area E'. He has been waiting for the handover of the area by the army. "They tell you, 'Next week, next month.' But nothing happens. They say, 'We first have to remove the bombs and the rubble, then we let people in.' These are empty words. Nobody is honest. They constantly lie to us," Adnan complained.

Temporary housing serves as the makeshift office of the Nahr al-Bared Reconstruction Commission for Civil Action and Studies (NBRC), a grassroots committee heavily involved in the planning of the reconstruction of the old camp. Abu Ali Mawed, an active member of the NBRC, owns one of the 120 buildings in area E and has been waiting for its handover for 21 months. "The army once more says they'll open the primaat, but first [the army] will need to [clear] them [of] unexploded ordnance devices and rubble. Where have the parties responsible for this work been in the past two years? Let us be honest: This area could be de-mined and cleared within just under a month!"

Ismael Sheikh Hassan, a volunteer architect and planner with the NBRC, said, "The main reason for the delays is the army. They haven't taken the decision at command level to allow people to return until last month."

Since the end of May, things have seemed to finally move forward. On 19 May, an UNRWA contractor started clearing rubble in area B' and de- mining teams took up their work. UNRWA wrote in its weekly update on 3 June that its contractor had finished clearing rubble in areas B' and C'. In a meeting among the Lebanese army, Nahr al-Bared's Popular Committee, Palestinian parties and UNRWA on 2 June, the army announced its intention to allow the return of the residents of these two areas within two or three days. As of 7 June however the promise hadn't been delivered.

Sheikh Hassan explained that the suspension was mainly due to delays in de-mining procedures and those related to miscommunication among the various structures of the Lebanese army. He expected them to open areas B' and C' in a few days. There are 40 houses in B' and 60 buildings in C' to be handed over. On 11 June, UNRWA announced that they were told by the Lebanese army that the handover of B' and C' would take place mid-month.

The army's procedures have raised doubts. Abu Ali Mawed, the reconstruction commission member, asked, "How could they allow people last year to return to their burnt, looted and destroyed homes to save some of their belongings, if there were still vast amounts of unexploded ordnance lying around? They should have de-mined the area before letting people in. In the primaat, many houses aren't completely destroyed, which facilitates de-mining. I suppose that the unexploded ordinance have already been cleared and de-mining is only used as an excuse for further delaying the handover."

According to UNRWA, the army and the Popular Committee will be responsible for announcing and coordinating the schedules and logistics of families returning to the Prime Areas.


Destroyed houses in area E'.

Nidal Abdelal of the Palestinian political faction, the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine shook his head: "So far, neither the Popular Committee nor UNRWA understand why the army doesn't hand the primaat over so people can return. The Lebanese army sets dates [but doesn't deliver]; this has happened four or fives times. And until today, minor problems in the details constantly prevent them from handing over the primaat."

Abdelal points out that the persistent delays of the handover dates cause skepticism and worries among the refugees. "They even call UNRWA and the Popular Committee liars," he says. "They tell people a date, then they postpone it. Then they set another date and again postpone it. In the end, the army controls the primaat and is responsible for their handover. They should eventually hand the areas over to UNRWA and the Popular Committee and let people return."

Another camp resident, Abu Ali Mawed, compared the situation of displaced residents of Nahr al-Bared to that of southern Lebanese displaced during the summer war of 2006: "Israel dropped about one million cluster bombs in the south, but people could immediately return to their homes [once] the war was over. Why have we for two years not been allowed to return to our houses? ... We asked these questions to the government, army representatives and politicians many times, but never got clear answers. They kept giving us lame excuses that were far from convincing."

Besides the upcoming handover of areas B' and C', further questions need to be answered. For example: What will happen to the houses in the primaat once they're accessible? These houses were assessed and will be stabilized and rehabilitated. If this isn't possible and their owners agree, they'll be torn down. An anonymous source with UNRWA believes that only a few homeowners will agree to the total destruction of their homes because other landlords have experienced that the Lebanese government doesn't sign building permits for Palestinians to build in the new camp.

Currently unscheduled is the handover of areas A' and E'. Sheikh Hassan of the NBRC says there's speculation "that those areas will be opening in the upcoming months. However, there are no guarantees on this. E' will definitely be opened first. A' will be opened last." Access to E' seems to depend on the rubble removal and de-mining process in the adjacent two sectors of the old camp, because they're still heavily contaminated with unexploded ordnance. According to Nidal Ayyub of UNRWA, the Lebanese army so far has "no plan to open [area] A'."

However, the Lebanese army did have plans for the construction of an army base in Nahr al-Bared. On 16 January, the Lebanese cabinet decided to establish a naval base in the camp as well. Both plans concern mainly areas A' and E' and the coastal strip along the old camp. Just months ago, fierce protest to these plans was voiced by the camp's residents and the government has reportedly dropped its plans. However, only when the Lebanese army finally makes clear its intentions for the handover of the remaining parts of the camp will residents' worries be dispelled -- or their fears for the future of Nahr al-Bared confirmed.

All images by Ray Smith.

Ray Smith is an activist with the anarchist video collective a-film

Friday, June 19, 2009

Video: Nahr al-Bared, "A Sip of Coffee"

a-films, Electronic Lebanon, 16 June 2009








In May 2007, the battle between the militant group Fatah al-Islam and the Lebanese army broke out in the Nahr al-Bared refugee camp in northern Lebanon. Almost the entire camp was destroyed during the three months of heavy fighting and in the months following the battle when the the Lebanese army had complete control of the camp. Two years later, nearly all the rubble has been cleared from the "old camp," the core of Nahr al-Bared. However, though the displaced residents grow increasingly desperate, reconstruction has yet to begin.

Not only does the Lebanese army keep residents away from the old camp, it also controls movement in and out of the surrounding area known as the "new camp." Anyone entering the new camp requires a valid permit issued by the army. Refugees and non-governmental organizations working to revitalize the once robust economy of the camp face crippling isolation, as the marketplace of Nahr al-Bared is totally cut off from the surrounding villages. A flailing economy and soaring unemployment are only a few of the consequences of the destruction and ongoing siege of the camp.

This 26-minute film follows a father and his son as they attempt to deal with their unemployment. The two have been living in temporary metal shelters for more than a year, waiting to return to their camp. By documenting issues of reconstruction, temporary housing, economy, unemployment and despair, the film touches on the daily experience of life in Nahr al-Bared refugee camp.

a-films is an anarchist film collective currently focusing its work on the destroyed Nahr al-Bared refugee camp in northern Lebanon. Through workshops, the group aims to promote film-making as a tool for political struggles. The above video is available for downloading in high quality and translated into multiple languages at the a-films website.

Saturday, February 28, 2009

Fatah and Hamas: Heading for a Showdown in Lebanon

Fatah and Hamas: Heading for a Showdown in Lebanon
By Andrew Lee Butters and Rami Aysha
Beirut Thursday, Feb. 26, 2009


Hamas militants in Beirut demonstrate against the Israeli incursion in Gaza on Jan.4
Nabil Mounzer / EPA / Corbis


Stacks of portraits of Mahmoud Abbas stand unused, gathering dust in the office of his Fatah movement in Beirut's Shatila Palestinian refugee camp. Posters of Abbas – President of the Palestinian Authority, leader of Fatah and chairman of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) – would normally hang in offices and on street corners throughout Lebanon's 12 Palestinian refugee camps. But ever since Israel's incursion into Gaza earlier this year, Abbas has become politically radioactive to the approximately 400,000 refugees languishing in Lebanon, who were livid at his failure to act in defense of the beleaguered Gazans. "Abbas embarrassed us," says one Fatah official charged with delivering Abbas portraits in the camp. "Sometimes we force people to take the posters, but they never put them up." But Abbas may be about to lose a lot more than pride of place for his portrait in the seething refugee camps.

The stack of unused posters is but a symptom of the collapse of support for Fatah in Lebanon, home to the most politically active population of Palestinians outside the West Bank and Gaza. It was the movement's traditional support there that underscored Abbas' mandate, as chairman of the PLO, to negotiate on behalf of all Palestinians. But the failure of Abbas' negotiation strategy to deliver any meaningful change for the prospects of Lebanon's Palestinian refugees has led many — like their kin in the West Bank and Gaza — to transfer their support to Hamas and other radical Islamist groups. (See pictures of Lebanon in crisis.)

The refugees of Lebanon have always been more militant than their brethren inside the Palestinian territories. Most are descendants of those who fled Israeli forces in Galilee during the war of 1948; since then they have been prevented by Israel from returning to their homes. Having lived for six decades without citizenship or basic civil rights in the squalor and despair of refugee camps in a country that bars refugees from owning property and from entering some 70 professions, they have long provided a fertile recruiting environment for militant groups.

Even Abbas' more popular predecessor as Fatah leader, Yassir Arafat, struggled to sell the Oslo peace process to his supporters in Lebanon, where members of Fatah remained committed to armed struggle to "liberate Palestine" and still run guerrilla-training academies. These days, however, even that hard-line Fatah stance is no longer enough for most Palestinians here. High-ranking officials of Abbas' own party fear that he will trade away their right of return to what is now Israel. "Yassir Arafat went into negotiations with the olive branch in one hand and a weapon in the other hand," says one Beirut Fatah commander. "But all Mahmoud Abbas does is negotiate. He gets nothing, but he keeps negotiating. Palestinians believe in military operations because they want to go back to Palestine. They don't want to negotiate." (Read "After Israel's Election, Palestinians Weigh New Intifadeh.")

Hamas, meanwhile, is continuing to grow. The movement uses its financial backing from Iran and other countries to build clinics, kindergartens and social-services centers in every camp. Hamas supporters also get vouchers for medical care at hospitals run by Hizballah, the Lebanese anti-Israeli militant group that's also supported by Iran. And the refugees hear stories about leaders in the West Bank growing rich from embezzled international aid, while refugees see almost nothing in social services from the Palestinian Authority, which is controlled by Fatah. "Fatah isn't helping people," says the Beirut Fatah commander. "Hamas is taking advantage of this. They are entering deep, deep into the population."

Palestinians in Lebanon: A Forgotten People

Palestinians in Lebanon: A Forgotten People

By Andrew Lee Butters / Beirut Wednesday, Feb. 25, 2009


SHATTERED LIVES: Families live among ruins, with little hope of ever leaving
Photograph for TIME by Kate Brooks


he ancient hills of Lebanon hold little charm for Abdullah Sulhani and his family. Though they live just a bus ride away from some of the most pleasant countryside on the eastern Mediterranean, they don't dare go out for a picnic or family day trip. This is an exaggerated reading of the risks of living in Lebanon — a turbulent country no doubt, but one which, when not a war zone, is the vacation destination of choice for the Arab world. Sulhani, 85, is Palestinian, though, and his family lives in Shatila, an impoverished refugee camp on the edge of Beirut. Many Lebanese eat, drink and dance away memories of the violent past. But in the dank, swastika-graffitied alleyways of the camps, where four generations of Palestinians have come of age, there's little chance of forgetting. For most of the 220,000 Palestinians living in refugee camps in Lebanon, time has stopped.
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Sulhani fled his home in Galilee for Beirut in 1948 — the year Israel was founded. Since then, there have been six wars and dozens of violent upheavals in Lebanon, and more often than not Sulhani's family has been caught in the middle. Abdullah's 59-year-old daughter Ahlam is still picking shrapnel out of wounds she received from artillery fire in 1975. The family survived the infamous Shatila massacre of 1982 by sheer luck, fleeing from Lebanese militiamen almost as soon as the slaughter began. When they returned afterwards, most of their neighbors were dead, and there was a body in the living-room closet. One of Ahlam's brothers was later shot in the head by a sniper while washing his hands in their entryway. Their building has been destroyed five times. They keep rebuilding because there's nowhere else to go. (Read "Fatah and Hamas: Heading for a Showdown in Lebanon".)

The recent Israeli operation in Gaza refocused attention on the plight of the thousands of ordinary Palestinians caught between Islamic militant group Hamas and Israel's overwhelming military force. But the Palestinians living in the territories of Gaza and the West Bank aren't the only ones trapped. Like many Palestinians forced from their homes after Israel's birth, Sulhani still has his old house keys. Tax records from the British mandate of Palestine are stored carefully in a schoolgirl's plastic binder. But while a 1948 United Nations resolution calls for Palestinians' "right to return," all who have seriously thought about peace in the Middle East know that Israel will never accept the 4.6 million Palestinian refugees registered with the United Nations in places such as Jordan, Lebanon, Syria, Gaza and the West Bank. Such a demographic tidal wave would sink the Jewish state.

That leaves families such as the Sulhanis caught between a past they can't escape and a future they struggle to shape, renting out the top floors of their building — which technically they don't even own. Like the rest of the 400,000-odd Palestinians in Lebanon, they cannot legally buy a house or apartment and remain barred from some 70 professions. Lebanon's fragile sectarian political system, balanced between Christians and Muslims, has been unable or unwilling to absorb so many Muslim refugees. So neither Sulhani, nor his children, nor his grandchildren, nor his great-grandchildren have Lebanese citizenship, despite the fact that all but the family patriarch were born on Lebanese soil. "My life in this country has been one heartbreak after another," says daughter Ahlam. "I have no good memories."

Jihadi Breeding Grounds
Younger generations have acquired traumas of their own. Nahr al-Bared was once the most pleasant Palestinian camp in Lebanon, located near the northern city of Tripoli where a cold mountain stream meets the sea, and surrounded by orange orchards and banana plantations. Now it is a miniature Stalingrad on the Mediterranean. An uprising in the summer of 2007 by an insurgent jihadist group, Fatah al-Islam, reduced Nahr al-Bared to rubble and made its 31,000 residents homeless. Though most Fatah al-Islam members were not Palestinians but foreign Arabs from places such as Iraq and Saudi Arabia, the lawlessness of the camps — which lie outside the authority of the Lebanese state — make them excellent incubators for extremist groups. And the concrete jungle of Nahr al-Bared was the perfect urban-warfare environment. Just 300 jihadis held their own against more than 11,000 Lebanese army troops for four months.